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A city budget is really two very different pools of money pretending to be one document.

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There's the general fund, which pays for the services most people think of as "the city": police, fire, parks, libraries, street maintenance.

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And there are enterprise funds, which pay for themselves through the fees they charge, like a water utility billing customers for exactly the water they use.

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Torrance's water department, for instance, runs largely on an enterprise fund basis: your water bill funds the water system, not the general fund that also pays for police patrols.

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The general fund itself draws from a handful of familiar sources.

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Property tax, though thanks to Proposition 13, passed back in 1978, that revenue grows slowly and predictably rather than tracking real market values, which caps how much cities can lean on it.

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Sales tax, split between the state and the city, and highly sensitive to how much shopping and dining happens locally versus in a neighboring city.

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A transient occupancy tax on hotel stays.

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Utility user taxes.

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Business license fees, permit fees, and fines.

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Every one of these is a lever a city council can pull, within limits, to try to grow the pot without new voter approval.

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Bigger asks require the voters directly.

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Cities can put a general tax increase, a special parcel tax, or a bond measure on the ballot.

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General taxes just need a simple majority.

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Special taxes dedicated to a specific purpose historically required a two-thirds supermajority when placed on the ballot by the city council itself, a genuinely high bar that kills plenty of proposals before they even reach voters.

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But a 2017 California Supreme Court decision, and further rulings since, opened a different path: when a tax measure reaches the ballot through a citizen-led initiative rather than a council vote, courts have found it only needs a simple majority to pass.

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That's reshaped how advocacy groups and even some cities themselves now try to fund specific priorities.

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Proposition 43, on the November 2026 statewide ballot, would close that path for citizen measures submitted after 2027, so check whether it passed before relying on it.

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Regional transportation funding works differently again.

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Voters across all of Los Angeles County approved sales tax measures, Measure R and later Measure M, that fund transit and road projects countywide, administered in part through bodies like the South Bay Cities Council of Governments, which help decide how the South Bay's share actually gets spent locally.

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The county's money looks different from a city's.

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A much larger share of county revenue comes from the state and federal governments, because counties administer huge state and federally mandated programs: Medi-Cal enrollment, foster care, public health.

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Property tax still matters enormously at the county level too, but a bigger chunk of county spending is essentially pass-through money for programs the county didn't design and can't easily redirect.

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The reason any of this is worth knowing: when a city says it's facing a budget shortfall, the actual choices are narrow.

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Cut services, usually starting with the most visible ones, park hours, library hours, road repaving schedules.

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Draw down reserves, which only works for a while.

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Or ask voters for more, which means winning either a simple majority or a two-thirds vote, depending entirely on how the measure gets structured and who puts it on the ballot.

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For more, see Torrance's published annual budget documents, and the League of California Cities' explainer on how Proposition 13 and property tax revenue actually reach city governments.